Job Opening: Post-Doc Position in Economic Geography

The University of Luxembourg is looking within its Research Unit IPSE – Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning for a

Research Associate (PostDoc) in Economic Geography (M/F)

• Ref : R-AGR-3168-10
• 3 year fixed-term contract
• Employee status

Your Role

The PostDoc will coordinate and execute qualitative case study research in the framework of the CIRCULAR project funded by the Fonds National de la Recherche Luxembourg (FNR). The project deals with the challenges for the implementation of Circular Economy policies by looking at entrepreneurial practices, institutional settings as well as intersections between corporate, public and civic actors. Case study regions are the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg and Gothenburg/Västra Götaland (Sweden).  The PostDoc’s tasks include:

• Support the PI in the everyday coordination of the project
• Conceive and prepare empirical fieldwork 
• Independently conduct field work in Sweden
• Co-supervise a PhD candidate associated with the project
• Edit, author or contribute to project related scientific publications
• Help disseminate project findings to a wider audience

For further information please contact:
Prof. Christian Schulz, christian.schulz@uni.lu, phone: +352-466644-6327

Your Profile

• PhD degree in Economic Geography, Ecological Economics, Industrial Sociology or cognate disciplines
• Solid background in one of the following areas: Sustainable transition research, environmental management studies, circular economy, industrial ecology
• Experience in qualitative/interactive research approaches dealing with corporate and civil society actors
• Languages: Excellent working knowledge in English. Fluency in Swedish would be considered an advantage

We offer

An exciting multi-disciplinary and international research environment offering manifold opportunities for exchange with scholars from related areas.

Please send your motivation letter, CV and scanned diplomas ONLINE by
February 5, 2017.

The University of Luxembourg is an equal opportunity employer.

Reminder CFP: Internationalisierung des Wohnens - Marktentwicklung, Politiken, Forschungsansätze / CFP: Internationalisation of Housing – Market Developments, Policies, Research Approaches

Das Institut für Geographie und Raumplanung der Universität Luxemburg veranstaltet am 15. und 16. Juni 2017 gemeinsam mit dem Arbeitskreis Geographische Wohnungsmarktforschung eine Tagung zum Thema

Internationalisierung des Wohnens - Marktentwicklung, Politiken, Forschungsansätze 

 

Interessierte können bis 31. Januar 2017 ihre Vortragsangebote einreichen. Weitere Hinweise dazu finden Sie im Call for Paper (Deutsche Version here, Englische Version here) und auf der Website des Arbeitskreis Geographische Wohnungsmarktforschung: http://www.ak-wohnungsmarktforschung.de/.  Das Programm zur Tagung wird im März 2017 bekannt gegeben.

 
English version:

Together with the Research Group ‘Geographical housing market research’ the Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning at the University of Luxembourg will host a conference, June 15th-16th, 2017, on the, 

Internationalisation of Housing – Market Developments, Policies, Research Approaches

We invite interested speakers to submit an abstract by 31st January, 2017. Further information may be found in the attached Call for Papers (German version here, English version here), as well as on the website of the Research Group: http://www.ak-wohnungsmarktforschung.de/. The programme will be finalized and announced in early March 2017. The conference language is German. To grasp the internationality of the subject matter, an additional session may be held in English.

Obituary: Prof. David V.J. Bell

York University, in Toronto, has its flag at half mast today in memory of Prof. David V. J. Bell who passed away last week after a battle with a sudden illness (see obituary here). 

David Bell was a political science and linguistics professor at York University in Toronto, having served as Dean of the Faculty of Environmental Studies (FES), as well as of the Faculty of Graduate Studies. He authored/co-editor of a number of books including, "Resistance and Revolution" (1973) Boston, Houghton Mifflin; "The Roots of Disunity: A Study of Canadian Political Culture" (1992) Toronto, Oxford University Press; "Local Places: In the Age of the Global City" (1996), co-edited with Keil and Wekerle, Montreal, Black Rose Books; "Political Ecology: Global and Local" (1998) co-edited with Fawcett, Keil, and Penz, New York, Routledge; "Introduction to Sustainable Development" (2009) co-edited with Cheung, Oxford, Elos. He was editor of the International Journal of Sustainable Development.  He also wrote and hosted of a series of radio broadcasts (91.1FM Toronto) entitled, "Sustainability: Canadian and Global Perspectives".

But David will be remembered for his commitment to sustainability issues in both academia and in the community at large. His list of achievements and recognitions are long.  To name a few, he founded of the York Centre for Applied Sustainability (YCAS), and co-founded of the International Sustainability Indicators Network (ISIN).  He Co-chaired the National Education for Sustainable Development Expert Council (NESDEC), and Chaired the Toward Sustainability in York Region Advisory Group. And, after retirement remained Chair of Learning for a Sustainable Future (www.lsf-lst.ca) and Co-chaired of the Education Alliance for a Sustainable Ontario (EASO).

In 2007, the City of Toronto awarded him with the Green Toronto Award for Leadership in Sustainability. Most recently, in 2016, the Black Business and Professional Association presented him with the prestigious Harry Jerome President’s Award that recognizes excellence in the African-Canadian community.

On a personal level, David chaired my master defense. And, during my master studies at FES, I had the good fortune of helping him, as a graduate assistant, proof read, "Political Ecology." David was a role model, and most of all, a good friend. He will be missed.

A Report on the Shut up and Write HERG Writing Retreat at Dartington Hall, Jan 2017, and an Argument for Writing Retreats at the University of Luxembourg

By Constance Carr and Tom Becker
 

Introduction

The backbone of every academic’s career is writer’s craft, and whether suffering under publication pressure or not, it is something that all academics must learn and continually refine. There are various literatures available on academic writing, and writer’s craft in general. This paper overviews an evidence-based model developed by British scholars – Rowena Murray in particular[1] – that aims at not only improving writing skills towards increasing publication output and boosting overall professional development, but also creating a supportive venue for academics, struggling with finding enough time to write.

The contents of this paper were based on observations made and lessons learned at the Dartington Hall Writing Retreat organised by as part of a research project entitled “Shut up and Write” sponsored by the Higher Education Research Group (HERG) of the Royal Geographical Society (RGS), in January 2017. As such, immense gratitude must be extended to Dr. Sara Dyer (University of Exeter), Sharon Leahy (University of St Andrew’s), Susan Henderson (University of the West of Scotland), and David Simm (Bath Spa) who organized the extraordinary event in south Devon, and showed us and other newcomers the pros and cons about this writing format. So convincing was this experience, we are eager to institute them closer to home.

This paper, itself, was the product of a combination of several splurge sessions (see vocabulary below) at the HERG event followed by several white water sessions afterwards. Targeted at an audience that is perhaps not familiar with these writing models, this paper (1) explains a vocabulary to define various writing approaches, (2) describes what writing sessions, writing pools, and writing retreats are, describing both the structure and rules of writing sessions and suggesting some tips on what to look out for during such a writing session, and 3) argues the pros of pursuing different kinds of retreats at the University of Luxembourg.

In addition to describing our own learning curve and our experiences at the HERG Shut-Up and Write Writing Retreat, this report can also be understood as a continuation of previous discussions held at the Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning concerning writing. In August of 2016, Prof Markus Hesse and Dr. Gerald Taylor Aiken presented, “Teaching Geographical Writing: from techniques and mechanisms to habits and routines, practice and strategy” at the HERG event, organized by Sarah Dyer, Sharon Leahy, and Matthew Wilkins, at the RGS-IBG. An earlier blog entry by Markus Hesse and Gerald Taylor Aiken on writing abstracts may also be of interest too.

1. A vocabulary of writing approaches
The first step in understanding how to improve one’s writing skills is to observe the kinds of habits that one might already be engaging in. Articulating specific writing approaches with respect to one’s own style, helps to more narrowly define possibilities and limitations with one’s own existing writing skill set. What follows is a vocabulary of different types of writing approaches. It can be noted that these are not specifically academic writing styles, but is simply a list of writing approaches that can be applied in other circumstances where writing skills are required.

Binge Writing refers to the classical mode of writing that many scholars already practice. It is the time that a writer sets aside – from hours to days -- where he/she can write alone and get a whole project done. It refers to that period of time that writers say something like, “I need to spend a few days in my PJs and write that article.” For many it is a working model that has the potential for large outputs. It is, however, a model that difficult for some writers to follow – in particularly those with demands at home, and who are confronted with demands in the work place as well (such as marking, administrative duties, student-teacher interactions) that have less to do with writing.

Snack Writing, as described by the Times Higher Education, refers to the act of “working in small bursts” for periods varying from 30 to 90 minutes with no distractions.

White Water Writing, similar to snack writing, refers to short, quick, and collective writing sessions, where a given topic for a relatively short (500-1000 words) output is agreed upon at the outset, the structure is created on the fly, and the labour is divided up among participants ready and will to immediately get cracking on it.

Splurge Writing refers to the kind of writing that occurs when one just wants to get some ideas on a page. This may, of course, be done at any convenient time, but splurges can also be an effective way of managing writer’s block (especially during a 90- minute session, see below) or otherwise general temptations to procrastinate. For example, this document began as a splurge: Connie was exhausted after focusing on the same paper for four consecutive 90-minute sessions (again, please see below), so she changed subject and decided to get ideas out about this session instead. In earlier times, she would have called this procrastination management: Unable to focus on what was urgent, she would turn her focus on to something less urgent (but important) for the short term.

Structured Social Writing (aka Writing Pool) is snack writing in groups. These sessions may be online in forums such as 750words.org that follow social media formats, awarding badges and medals etc. while developing a profile, or they might be like Shut Up and Write Tuesdays with HERG on Twitter (@SUWTues) where participants agree on a time to start writing and then exchange progress reports online. Day-long writing pools or over-night retreats bring the personal face-to-face interaction in to play, as writers chat and eat with each other before and after sessions.

2. The set-up: Writing sessions, writing pools, and writing retreats[2]
Writing sessions, writing pools, and writing retreats are events, trusting environments, designed to optimize writer’s craft, and can be understood as the “set-up” in which different writing approaches can be used. They are based on Murray’s 90-minute writing session, and can be pursued on an individual basis or in groups (professors, post-docs and/or PhD students), depending on the immediate needs of the writer and willingness of others to form a group.

A writing session is a 90-minute block of time set aside to do nothing but write. 90 minutes is the magic number because, according to research conducted by Rowena Murray, it is the time limit that is neither too short nor too long, and the amount of time that has shown to boost productivity the most.

Perhaps the most surprising aspects of a 90 minute writing session are the strict set of rules, which at first glance seem authoritarian, and even unrealistic. Some rules include:

• Arriving on time and stopping on time
• No phones, no internet, and no eating
• Turn sounds on the computer off
• No moving about, getting coffee or going for a smoke (especially in a group situation where movement can generate distraction for some)
• The 90 minutes must be used in full. If, for example, a writer feels that he/she is not getting further on the first text, the writer is encouraged to turn to a different topic instead of something different all together. Participants may bring music (with sound proof headphones) and anything else needed to make writing (and sitting) more comfortable (loafers or pillows)
• Opportunities for checking mails, getting refreshments, are reserved for break times.

As strange as they may sound, the rules are nevertheless an essential component of a successful session and participants are strongly encouraged to respect them. The advantage is that adhering to the rules generates a very concentrated atmosphere that is hard to find in other contexts. An implication of these rules, too, is that writers need to come to the session prepared in ways that they might not be accustomed to.

A writing pool is when a group of writers get together and commit to a socially structured 90-minute session. This may be in a face-to-face setting. One participant at Dartington Hall (HERG-RGS) commented on how the writing pool/ retreat (see below) felt like sports training. Just as some find it easier to meet up for sports (committing to peers/team members in contrast to doing it alone, which can be less motivating), meeting up to write offered a similar sense of support. 

Writing pool at the Dartington Hall Writer's Retreat organized by HERG-RGS

A writing retreat is when a group of writers retreat for a couple of days in order to dedicate time engage in consecutive 90-minute sessions. This is a place free of distractions commonly found in the work place or at a home office. The retreat format is a strict schedule, with up to four 90 minute writing sessions per day following the writing pool format. Each day is facilitated by someone who keeps track of time, gathers questions and concerns, takes pictures, and facilitates discussion. Writing sessions are opened and closed with a briefing/debriefing with co-participants about goals set, goals achieved or not achieved, or general issues with progress. Below is an example Retreat Programme taken from the Joining Instructions for the Dartington Hall Writing Retreat organised by the Higher Education Research Group of the Royal Geographical Society. 

 

The programme followed at the Shut Up and Write HERG Writing Retreat, Dartington Hall

 
Things that one can do and watch for during a writing retreat:

• Monitor progress and learn about one’s own writing needs and habits, considering the following questions: What goals were met, what expectations were met, how many words were typed? Also, what kind of material was written? Was it a grant application, journal article, chapter, or report? What kind of material was easiest to write and why? (Managing easy with difficult may be a way to optimize progress, especially at moments of writer’s block.) What kind of impediments were encountered? Were there moments/sessions that were less productive than others? Can a reason be identified as to why this was the case (lack of sleep? Food? General writer’s block?)
• Learn from exchanging with others about their writing needs and habits, talking to others about what they are writing, and how they feel about their work/writing accomplishments.
• Consider what worked best about the retreat, what could be improved, to what degree it was helpful to be with others, and how these writing approaches and set-ups can be introduced in your daily work. For example, while Connie found the retreat an excellent opportunity to learn about other people’s work, while writer’s craft is a cross-disciplinary trade, and while she saw the benefits in discussing writer’s craft with others from different disciplines, she was left wondering if a different kind of added value could be achieved by having more scholars in the room whose work lay thematically closer to her own. For a second example, feeling rather overloaded, Connie also found that she could have used a longer break in the afternoon of the second day. Take care of oneself! Four 90 minute sessions per day is intensive, exhausting, and a lot of sitting. It is not advisable to arrive tired or hungry. Eat well, walk as much as possible and go to bed early.

On a last note, a retreat can be very taxing and demanding, a 2-day retreat of eight 90-minute writing sessions can be quite enough. By the fourth or fifth session at Dartington Hall, several mentioned how difficult it was to sit for so long, or that they were feeling drained by the hours of concentration. The retreat format must thus be a supportive environment, fostering healthy living and eating and general wellness and, at best, even relaxation.

Participants go for a hike after a morning of writing sessions at the Shut-up and Write HERG retreat at Dartington Hall.

3. Why retreat to write?
The outputs of writing retreats are colossal. Many participants felt that they made enormous progress in terms of achieving a great quantity of writing, while moving forward and intensifying the quality of writing. At Dartington Hall, Connie shocked herself: In addition to beginning this paper, her own accomplishments also included a completed first draft (4000 words) of a book chapter due at Palgrave. And, she was just one person. Similar feelings of accomplishment were felt throughout the retreat: One woman got the first draft of the final chapter of her doctoral dissertation done; a second got a stab at a paper for Transactions and developed a strategy for a grant application; a third wrote a piece on GIS apps for a planning magazine. The quantity alone was impressive, but not few commented that it was also an opportunity to zero in on their story-telling, on finding their voice and narrative. According to Tom, the writing retreat provided an opportunity to address and write down especially all those less-developed ideas that have been floating around in his head for quite some time and to share them with others.

In addition to written output, the retreat format was a means of professional development, useful in both spheres of research and teaching. Established scholars can examine and re-examine their own habits and refine their own skills. The model can also be used in a teaching context (hence the support of HERG!), as students can be taught writing skills and learn to use the tools of the trade. In the case of the University of Luxembourg, writing sessions – both one-day retreats held in the office and overnight retreats held at an off-campus location may be particularly valuable for professional development within the multi-lingual environment -- and associated pressures experienced therein, such as the need to develop writing and communication skills in a second or third language. In this regard, a retreat that hones writer’s craft is rather transdisciplinary and of possible interest to all three faculties.

The retreat format as a whole was a forum for scholars to engage and network with one another. During coffee breaks or lunches, researchers debrief with one another, discuss their challenges, and in this way learn about each other’s work. Connie, for example, learned about forensic soil science, about publishing experiences at the Guardian, the relationship between geography and higher education, and received some very valuable information on how to develop a scholastic career path.

A casual observer might skeptically ask, “Why retreat? What not just sit down in your office and write?” Given that writing pools and retreats are not for everyone the question is understandable. Yet, it obscures the notion that writing is a skill that can always been improved and, as all crafts, requires time and concerted attention. Writing pools and retreats are thus a way of both raising awareness about the tools of the academic trade, and demystifying, or even removing the taboo of talking about, the arts of writing. And, given that some may indeed profit from this format, it is thus a way to foster the diversity of writing styles and needs in an academic institution. Writing pools and retreats have been shown to be a means of counter-balancing gender imbalances in the work place, as Murray argues [3], as women (in particular, but parents in general) are often restricted in their options to find that quiet writing space.

So… We left convinced, and would love to organize further events in Luxembourg. Any takers? Please get in touch with us! 

1. See Prof. Rowena Murray’s Inaugural Lecture “Why Write?” At minute 30, she begins to describe writing retreats in detail. Her biography at the University of the West of Scotland can be found here: http://www.uws.ac.uk/staff-profiles/education/rowena-murray/  

2. To read up on social scientific studies of retreats, please read Murray’s (2009) “Writing retreat as structured intervention: margin or mainstream?” in Higher Education Research and Development Vol 28:5, pp. 541-553.
[3] See Prof. Rowena Murray’s Inaugural Lecture “Why Write?”, minute 32

Further reading:
https://teachingfocusedgeesnetwork.wordpress.com/
HERG on Twitter (@SUWTues)

Obituary: Professor Zygmunt Bauman, 1925–2017

It was with regret that I logged on to social media last Monday to learn that Professor Zygmunt Bauman had passed away at the age of 91. A compelling writer, he his legacy is, on one hand, a vast repertoire of books.  For me, he work on Liquid Modernity (or "Liquid Times, Living in the Age of Uncertainty") and Identity were formative readings that continue to influence my own approaches to social sciences.


Obituaries have been published at the websites of Polity Press and the Bauman Institute, University of Leeds.

New publication

Last June, Ezio Puglia and Estelle Evrard organized a morning conference entitled, "Zones, Cluster, Nodes". A publication that resultedfrom that project, entitled, "Le Freeport Luxembourg. Logistique, pure valeur et volatilisation de l’œuvre d’art" published in ESPRIT, is available here.

“Brown shoes don’t make it, quit school, don’t fake it.” (FZ, 1967)

Frank Zappa (1940-1993) was a great composer, conductor and arranger of contemporary music, and also a brilliant guitarist. His musical oeuvre spans across a broad range of rock and classic styles, whose assemblage became rather unique. Of the 100plus records that were published under his name officially only (not counting hundreds of bootlegs etc.), 40plus came out posthumous, and more is expected to evolve from the vaults, edited by the Zappa family trust. Zappa was a political animal and he also had a great sense of humour, which played out not only on stage, but also in his writings, in TV- and radio-interviews, testimonials etc. From early on, he was critical of both the codes of conduct of mainstream society and, most importantly, of the power of authority.

 

 Zappa performing in Hamburg, Dec. 1971 (© Heinrich Klaffs, cc-by-sa-2.0)

This attitude unfolded in an early piece of music titled “Brown shoes don’t make it”, a weird mix of cabaret, rock opera and underground oratorium (as François Couture had once put it in the Allmusic-guide). Brown shoes came out initially on Zappa’s second record Absolutely Free with his then band “The Mothers of Invention” (1967), and a straightforward live rendition was later on included in Tinseltown Rebellion (recorded back in 1979, published in 1981). An energetic version of Brown Shoes from the 1979 tour can be found e.g. here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bH3HsZHe_AI. The song is considered to be one of the very first masterpieces from the scores of FZ.

The song title actually referred to an observation of U.S. president Lyndon B. Johnson, carrying brown shoes to a grey suit, which was perceived by the public to be indicative of a president unable to pay attention to detail – which was a strange public discourse given that this absurd fashion faux pas was no comparison to the bloody imprint that U.S.-American politics was leaving at that time in Vietnam, for which Lyndon B. Johnson was particularly responsible, and what Zappa obviously wanted to render here. In that particular context, the multiple meanings of brown shoes became understood as a sign of protest (along with long hair and no bras) against shallow public commentators and the ruling American establishment – that is, government authorities and business class elites, who eagerly kept younger generations in the endless loop of education, job etc., in order to maintain systems of white supremacy and social segregation locally, and military economic domination internationally. In Brown Shoes Don’t Make It, Zappa picked up the metaphor and held no punches in illustrating the perverted power fantasies of ruling bureaucrats that contrasted their posh appearances (see the original text here http://psychedmaster.org/Brown%20Shoes.html).

50 years after Zappa, brown shoes are still relevant, as evidenced by the UK government’s “Social Mobility Commission” report on the socio-economic composition of professionals in the life sciences and investment banking industries (see https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/socio-economic-diversity-in-life-sciences-and-investment-banking). The Commission is an advisory non-departmental public body, whose task is to monitor progress in improving social mobility in the UK, to advise the government on related matters and to advocate for better upward mobility in England. The report revealed that, due to rather peculiar selection attitudes and practices when hiring new staff, the privileged stick to their own social milieux or classes. Thus it becomes rather unlikely that candidates situated at lower social classes have a chance to get a job there. The very particular mechanisms of how this selection process works are described in a few, rather telling sentences. In its own words, which is much better than any commentators’ synthesis could be, it is quoted here as follows:

“A relatively high level of formality at pre-screening often gives way to a relatively high level of informality (emphasis from original, MH) with respect to final decision making, where hiring managers have a tendency to recruit for familiarity and similarity, and focus on perceived ‘fit’. This combination of formality at pre-screening, and informality with respect to final selection decisions, could mount particular challenges for candidates from non-privileged backgrounds. This is particularly the case since the concept of ‘fit’ is often determined by whether aspirant bankers share a social or educational background with current hiring managers. It is though important to underline that the precise impact of these processes varies within and between banks, with some offering a wider range of opportunities to people from diverse backgrounds than others.” (Social Mobility Commission 2016, p. ii)

What these hiring procedures probably have in common is their complex structure, which goes far beyond of what one would expect in terms of written application, pre-selection, interview and decision-making. An intensive double-screening of the materials and also of test-performances is followed by personal interrogation, and in case the impression of the candidate is promising, then he or she will be offered an internship. According to the report, about 77 per cent of those who eventually got a work contract with an investment bank did an internship before (feeding them into the almost endless loop …). Having obtained a degree from a very small number of high-profile universities applies to almost everybody who succeeds in this system.

While the provision of jobs in investment banking seems to be overall highly competitive, the report states that individuals from relatively privileged backgrounds are likely to enjoy certain advantages at each stage of the selection process. In contrast, those coming from non-privileged backgrounds are likely to experience major challenges. Over the entire recruitment and selection procedure, this may add up to cumulative disadvantage for the latter group. This finding of the report leads to the observation that, in addition to formal skills and qualifications, cultural capital and related politics of distinction play a vital role as well: “Specific forms of cultural capital also play an important role, especially within the sales and advisory functions of investment banks, including corporate finance or mergers and acquisitions (M&A). Here, a candidate’s suitability is assessed by some hiring managers not only in relation to educational background but also to specific behaviours, speech patterns and dress codes (sic!, MH), all of which are arguably more available to those who have been socialised within a middle or upper-class environment. Hiring managers consider that these characteristics, summarized as ‘polish’, reassure clients about their advisors’ expertise and experience, and help build trust.” (Social Mobility Commission 2016, p. iii)

Not surprisingly, social capital plays a role within habits and attitudes, and even more so in dress codes:

“Relatively opaque codes of conduct also extend to dress. To provide one example, for men, the wearing of brown shoes with a business suit is generally (though not always) considered unacceptable by and for British bankers within the investment banking (corporate finance) division. A similar judgement is though not made in relation to M&A bankers from continental Europe for whom brown shoes are permitted.”

Politics of distinction, obviously. Sources such as Augur (2000) or Luyendijk (2015) are noted in the report as providing further evidence for the role of dress codes in the City of London. Quoting further from the report:

“Yet a further qualification is that some bankers in corporate finance may ‘get away’ with wearing brown shoes perhaps, for example, if they are sufficiently senior. Issues relating to dress may seem both superficial and relatively simple for individual from all backgrounds to adopt. However, interviewees suggested that they do play a material role in the selection process, once again, as a demonstration of ‘fit’.”

These politics of distinction perfectly correspond with the particular geography of the “City” of London, a place where the discrete milieu of money makers could evolve and became hegemonic, starting to develop something that is now known as financial industries. Political steering, deregulation and a particular politics of place – also described in the Commission’s report (pp. 61) – went hand in hand in order to let this community develop. Thus geography is part of the story here, and likewise spatial planning as the technology that provides the physical setting within which markets, actors and institutions perform. As a consequence, class structures, business milieux and local framing allow habits, routines and practices to develop, which are quite differently perceived. What is considered a rationale, highly competitive and economically powerful profit-seeking activity by some has also been interpreted as “energetic young men” who trade stocks and shares “in a rowdy, testosterone-fuelled atmosphere” by others (McDowell 2011, 195).

Clearly, the fine-tuned processes that make up the social world of finance and its particular geography are central to the explanation of how money markets work. In so doing, as the UK Government’s Commission’s report reveals, they represent a major challenge to social sustainability and equality. This is one of many issues that tend to be overlooked when it comes to greening, eco-cities and a related reading of sustainable development. The report can be understood as a confirmation of late-modern interpretations of the socio-economic world, of class and difference, as already discussed by Bourdieu (1984) some time ago, and by Piketty (2014) more recently. It may also remind us of the ‘real’ things to talk about when the issue of identity is currently held responsible for societal and political challenges of all kind. It’s the economy stupid – but this economy is produced and reproduced by real people, is deliberately regulated, unfolds in social spaces and is set in material places. … From today’s perspective, it is hard to imagine Frank Zappa would have not made his own sense of this, leaving some scathing comments on brown and black shoes, on power fantasies and the strange mix of suits, ties and testosterone that rules the economic world.

Markus Hesse

References

Augur, P. ( 2000). The Death of Gentlemanly Capitalism. The Rise and Fall of London’s Investment Banks. London: Penguin Books.

Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Luyendijk, J. (2015). Swimming with Sharks: My Journey into the World of the Bankers (Vol. 4). Guardian Faber Publishing.

McDowell, L. (2011). Making a drama out of a crisis: representing financial failure, or a tragedy in five acts. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 36, 193-205.

Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the 21st Century. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Social Mobility Commission (2016). Socio-Economic Diversity in Life Sciences and Investment Banking. London.

Trance Love Airwaves (n. D.): Psychedelic Music Masterworks and Supplemental. Retrieved from the Web via <http://psychedmaster.org/Brown%20Shoes.html>.